Khan spoke early Thursday in the capital, Islamabad, in what he said was “the biggest protest ever” in the country’s history, after protesters clashed with security personnel and he was forced to cut short the event.
But his announcement comes with a warning: “I am giving this imported government six days to declare new elections. Otherwise, I will return to Islamabad with 2 million people.”
Enthusiastic cries of support and chants of outrage against the United States and the current Pakistani administration echoed through the crowd.
The demands have struck a chord with a young population in a country where anti-American sentiment is common and anti-establishment sentiments are fueled by a growing cost-of-living crisis.
But Khan’s critics say there is a problem with his claims: there is no evidence of a conspiracy.
“Imran Khan is trying to tap into anti-American sentiments to mobilize support,” said Maleeha Lodhi, Pakistan’s former ambassador to the United States and the United Nations. The “faithful group of followers of Khan [are] ready to dismiss the facts and believe his foreign conspiracy tale even if there is not a shred of evidence to back it up.”
The goal, Lodhi said, is clear: Khan sees playing on decades-old animosities as his path to power.
What are Khan’s conspiracy allegations
Khan told CNN on Monday that Lu had threatened Pakistan with “consequences” if he was not removed from his post.
“There is no truth to these allegations,” a US State Department spokesperson told CNN, after denying any involvement in Khan’s ouster.
When asked to provide evidence for his claims, Khan said there were note takers from both the US and Pakistani sides at the meeting, but did not respond directly when asked. would release notes – for each of the allegations.
He also said with evidence that a cipher – an encoded diplomatic cable – outlining the details of the meeting sent by the Pakistani ambassador had been forwarded to the Pakistani cabinet. Khan claimed to have presented the minutes of this meeting to the National Security Council (NSC) of Pakistan.
Last month, the NSC strongly rejected Khan’s accusations, saying in a statement it had “found no evidence of a conspiracy”.
Khan also said he was aware that his official visit to Moscow in late February, coinciding with the day of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, likely angered US officials.
Khan has also previously accused the Pakistani military and the opposition led by current Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif of conspiring with the United States, which they both deny.
“People are so angry and feel insulted that these criminals have been imposed on us,” Khan said.
A story of mistrust
To understand how even the flimsiest of conspiracy theories could prove such a powerful rallying tool in this South Asian democracy of 220 million people, experts point to the mutual distrust that has been simmering for decades.
It’s a remarkable period that covers wars on Pakistan’s doorstep, perceived betrayals, special forces operations and rogue CIA contractors. Against this backdrop, according to Islamabad-based political analyst Hussain Nadim, “foreign conspiracies don’t seem too far-fetched.”
In fact, they are “credible”, he said.
Much of the mistrust stems from events in neighboring Afghanistan, where many Pakistanis blame US actions for destabilizing their own country – including attacks by Afghanistan-based militants on Pakistani soil.
The chaotic scenes of Afghans, desperate to escape the advancing Taliban, clinging to the wheels of planes taking off from Kabul airport in August 2021, are fresh in the minds of Pakistanis. And as the security situation deteriorates, many Pakistanis feel they are the ones who will pay the price.
While Pakistan was the first to sign up to George W. Bush’s “war on terror”, many in the Muslim-majority country saw the invasion – and subsequent war in Iraq – as aimed at Islam.
He was charged with murder and unlawful possession of a firearm, but was acquitted after more than $2 million in compensation was paid to the families of the victims. The incident has heightened tensions between the two nations, with Congress warning Pakistani leaders that billions of dollars in US aid could be jeopardized without Davis’ release.
Such events have caused “irreparable damage to trust”, according to Hassan Kamal Wattoo, a lawyer and columnist in Islamabad, who added that it “gives credence to the belief that dark figures are plotting against Pakistan from afar”.
Now that he seeks to return to power, Khan is looking for a familiar tool to rally support, said Madiha Afzal, foreign policy officer at the Brookings Institution.
“This is part of a long history of conspiracy theories gaining traction in Pakistan, particularly about the West’s role in the country,” she said.
“It’s something his followers blindly believe.”
Khan’s distinguished cricketing career ensured his enduring appeal to voters. Riding a wave of popular support, he was elected four years ago on a promise to eradicate poverty and corruption and build a “new Pakistan”.
According to Afzal of the Brookings Institute, Khan’s supporters have been drawn to the former prime minister’s argument that it is the corruption of the traditional parties “that have ruled Pakistan for much of its democratic period that is at risk.” root of Pakistan’s problems”.
According to former ambassador Lodhi, there is now “an outpouring of sympathy for Khan” because of the way he was ousted.
And Wattoo, the lawyer, said Khan’s supporters saw him as a “wildly independent and fearless alternative to a more conventional political elite”.
What happens next?
Whether that support will be enough to bring Khan back to power remains to be seen. But what seems clear is that, more than a month after taking office, the government of Shehbaz Sharif has done little to tackle rising inflation and rising of the economic crisis that contributed to Khan’s ousting.
As the government lifted the fuel price cap on Thursday, which will secure a much-needed deal with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Karachi-based financial journalist Ariba Shahid said the power struggle will not only made things more difficult. .
“This need for political influence is costing long-term average Pakistani inflation, a rapidly depreciating rupee and possibly higher taxes to offset the large deficit,” she said.
Meanwhile, Khan’s popularity has “reached unprecedented heights”, said Nadim, the political analyst.
For his supporters – mostly middle-class youth tired of corruption and the political elite – Khan remains the obvious choice as the country’s leader.
“(His ousting) made him a victim and a political tragedy,” Nadim said, adding that these were “two very powerful emotions” that galvanized public support for Khan.